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Organised discution topics
Let’s think about
our paper about social natures and prisoners, Habermas and working class
people. What should we do about it? How should we do it?
I propose we
should agree, first, on the index of the subjects to refer on the paper:
My proposal is:
a)
sociological classic problems to be
addressed: a) working class is in or out new capitalism way of
domination? b) lumpen proletarian – as prisoners and low class criminals
– are they out or in the new way of capitalism? c) what social
mechanisms of decision making in order to organize social action
(resistance or political participation or revolution) can be identified?
b)
Habermas contribution to address these
problems; and his critics;
c)
Sociological and normative approaches:
reality and desires, divergences and convergences;
d)
Social natures approach as a sociological
transdisciplinary look to human kind
e)
Sociology and soft and hard human rights (I
mean ethnocentric and opportunistic human rights and helpful, healing
and socially engaged human rights agenda)
I suggest we
develop a critical approach to Habermas theory analysing social
communication in three levels and one synthesis.
1. public spaces – where people can
join and gather for public proposes. Participation is important, even
there is very different conditions and opportunities of influence social
decision making
2. publication agendas – influential
institutionalized social machines in order to control social decision
making
3. public temporalities – social
abilities to interpret social decisions in a reflexive way (as
traditions, as progress, as conjunctures)
4. public sphere – the social dynamics
produced by the three social levels mentioned and by quotidian inputs
and by social intentionality (class struggle or pacification by
enforcement of the law or running wars or developing social democracy
and social integration, for instance)
What do you think
about it?
Esfera pública (ee)
Temporalidades públicas
Agendas de publicação
Espaços públicos
APD
Paul Hawken says
no more ideology and no more consensuses. Instead, he believes that it
exist an organic movement of different thousands of parts which do not
know about the existence of other parts. All of them, some how, organize
them selves to overcome actual risks.
Ok.
The other
concept is one need a concept to join every little alternative power
together to overcome big power in office, as Aneta propose.
My guess is
that sociology can face the scientific project to build a research
program (theoretical and empirical) to go deeper and brooder to find
what is society (that is the amazement of Hawken) and how people, at
different level, decide to change the way one lives (that is the problem
Aneta put on the table, as much as Bob Robison did before, asking for
working class position at the moment facing the global problems).
APD
1. What is dominant or main frame sociology in the States, in
Europe, in Africa, in South America, in Asia? 2. What are
dominated sociologies in the States, in Europe, in Africa, in
South America, in Asia?
3. Why should it be like this? Structural mechanisms are very
strong? The sociologists who are able to better organize their
own influence are social winners?
What is the main massage we want to write down in the first
article to present our working group?
a) Capitalism excludes and explores nature (ecosystems and
human kind social systems). Capitalism lives upstairs, let us
say this, and natures stays under the carpet: that is why
capitalism need to stress social inequality as a natural thing,
the reverse what Marx said about communism.
b) Habermas calls for political openness through public space
for emancipator movements to confront with commercial interests.
This means he believes it is possible public speech and public
political standing to help people´s emancipation movement. He
believes in democracy.
c) Social constructivism opposes the idea of social stability
and opens the window for social intervention both for
disadvantage and powerful people.
Even these interventions can not do much about natural
changes; even when these changes are induced by human activities,
such as global warming.
These three questions can be use to confront Pierre Bourdieu/Freudian
social theory and social nature concept of society (privilege to
normative, bio-ethics and anthropological knowledge
perspectives) facing the empirical fact of growing global use of
penitentiary systems for immobilisation of dangerous people and
the global neo-liberal process of political depreciation of
working classes.
APD
a) Habermas argues that capitalist relations colonize the
lifeworld of normal citizens, and capitalist rationales have
come to dominate the public sphere almost to the point of
hegemony. I think that the environmental movement is one of the
few current challenges to some of the capitalist rationales,
because it is driven by the idea that the environment is a
public resource rather than a private resource.
b) Habermas does believe in the emancipatory promise of
democracy. Though, he is also very critical of current forms of
representative democracy because they allow the current power
structure to remain in place. It is not until we can move much
closer to the ideal of undistorted communication (open
communication that occurs without coercion or threat of violence)
that a true democratic political discourse can occur. This form
of communication will be realized more as capitalist rationales
lose their strength in the public sphere.
c) We do need the promise of a system that allows both the
powerful and disadvantaged people to have a say in how the
social world is structured. I agree that even with interventions,
we still cannot completely control nature. The control over
nature is one of the mythical promises of capitalism and results
from an egotistical belief that humans are "above" or "better
than" the natural world. But, like you say, what we have in
common with other humans (and plants and animals) is our
mortality, a natural fact that we cannot change.
And tying in to your idea from a) that capitalist rationales
try to make social inequality look natural, we sociologists need
to uncover the lie that social inequality is natural in order to
convince people that less oppressive ways of relating
economically and politically is possible.
RR
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